Polish “Blue Helmets” and Humanitarian Aid in Lebanon
Poland’s involvement in Lebanon’s security is currently associated primarily with the presence of the Polish Military Contingent in the UNIFIL mission and humanitarian programs carried out by Polish aid organizations. However, the ties between the two countries date back to a time when neither Lebanon nor Poland were independent. In the early 20th century, Władysław Czajkowski, also known as Muzaffer Pasha, became the governor of Lebanon within the Ottoman Empire, a post he held from 1902 until his death in 1907. Later, during World War II, the Polish army of Gen. Władysław Anders passed through Lebanon. The army had been evacuated from the USSR and was headed to fight Nazi Germany in Europe. They were accompanied by refugees from the USSR who found shelter in Lebanon for the duration of the war. In 1992, Poland committed to securing Lebanon by sending a Polish military contingent as part of the UNIFIL mission. At its peak in 2000, Poland’s contribution reached 629 soldiers and civilian military personnel, placing it among the top participating nations. In the initial phase, Polish soldiers primarily performed logistical, engineering, and medical tasks, supporting other UN forces. A key role was played by the Polish Military Medical Unit (PolMedCoy), which operated a field hospital in An-Nakura. In 1994, a logistics battalion and a group of engineering units were added, followed by a repair group in 1996. Their duties included transport, supply storage, equipment maintenance and repair, as well as clearing mines and unexploded ordnance. Polish “Blue Helmet” soldiers have several times come under fire. The first difficult moments occurred in April 1996 when Israel launched a massive attack on Lebanon. Israel repeatedly shelled UNIFIL positions where Polish sappers, medics, and logisticians were located. Polish doctors provided medical aid to both civilians and other UN soldiers, including in the vicinity of the Jouaya base, where there was intense exchange of fire between Israelis and Palestinians. Polish soldiers also came under fire while securing a route for refugees. Later, in 2006, during the July War, Polish units were responsible for evacuating residents from dangerous areas, transporting the wounded to hospitals, and distributing food and medicine to those affected. At that time, their numbers were 230 people. After a break of several years, Polish “Blue Helmet” soldiers returned to Lebanon in 2019. Currently, there are about 250 of them. They patrol the “Blue Line,” the Lebanese-Israeli border, monitoring the ceasefire and maintaining security in the buffer zone. One of the key goals of the mission is to protect civilians in the area of operations. As part of civil-military cooperation, they provide assistance to the local population and support the Lebanese armed forces. The importance of their mission was again highlighted during the Israeli invasion in October and November 2024, when the “Blue Helmets” protecting civilians were once again shelled by Israel. Throughout the entire period of Polish service in Lebanon, 7 Polish soldiers have lost their lives there. Humanitarian Aid in Lebanon The Arab Spring presented Lebanon with other security challenges. The influx of over 1 million Syrian refugees became a huge burden for the country, and international aid was necessary. Polish organizations such as the Polish Center for International Aid (PCPM), Polish Humanitarian Action (PAH), as well as Polish branches of Caritas and Aid to the Church in Need did not fail and also appeared in Lebanon, gaining a reputation for being the most professional, effective, and impartial. In particular, the policy of Polish organizations to provide aid in a way that benefits not only Syrian refugees but also their Lebanese hosts received recognition. The Polish Center for International Aid (PCPM) has been operating in Lebanon continuously since 2012, with the main center of its activity being the Akkar region in northern Lebanon. PCPM first activity is a “cash for shelter” program, which involves paying rent on behalf of Syrian refugees to their Lebanese landlords. Later, they also started to support the repair of damaged homes and the construction of new ones for both Syrians and poorer Lebanese families. Another aid project is the “cash for work” program, which provides temporary employment to both refugees and Lebanese, engaging them in minor construction and repair work in municipalities. Under this program, Syrians and Lebanese paid by PCPM also worked for Polish archaeologists conducting research, including at the Bire castle. This created mutual humanitarian and scientific benefits. In the town of Bire, PCPM has also managed a stationary and mobile clinic for over a decade. The clinic provides access to medical care, including pediatric and gynecological services, and supplies medicines that are often unavailable to the local population. In 2017, Sheikh Mohammad Awad Murheb from Bire evaluated PCPM’s work in an interview with the Polish Press Agency. “After 2012, we had contacts here with many organizations from various countries that came to help refugees. Most of them spent a lot of money, but it didn’t have great or lasting effects. It was completely different with PCPM. This is an organization that simply knew how to help. Before, we only knew about Poland what we learned in school, that is, that your country was invaded by Germany during World War II. Now, Poland is associated here primarily with humanitarian aid because you do it better than the Germans, French, or British,” said Sheikh Mohammad. Another Polish organization that has been active in Lebanon for many years is Polish Humanitarian Action (PAH), which focuses on long-term development projects. PAH supports local communities in Lebanon, especially youth and women, in gaining better access to education and employment. It implements initiatives aimed at increasing skills and independence in the job market. The organization also conducts activities aimed at providing psychological and social support for children and their families, especially in the context of the difficult situation refugees live in. Another Polish organization involved in humanitarian assistance in Lebanon is Caritas Poland. It is active particularly in situations of sudden crises, which are unfortunately not lacking. Responses to Crises One such crisis was the explosion in
Cultural Ties Between Poland and Iraq: Mutanabbi on the Vistula, Kochanowski on the Tigris
Translating Polish poetry into Arabic is as big of a challenge as translating Arabic poetry into Polish. You have to not only preserve the meaning of the words but also the message embedded in them, and, most importantly, the rhythm of the verse. But challenges are meant to be taken on. The prominent Iraqi poet Hatif Janabi, who has been living in Poland for half a century, did just that. In March 2021, he published a monumental work in Baghdad-Beirut’s Dar al Mada publishing house titled “Five Centuries of Polish Poetry from Kochanowski to 2020.” Across 912 pages, he included over 400 poems by 65 Polish poets, both male and female, in chronological order. Janabi had previously translated works by writers and poets such as Adam Mickiewicz, Czesław Miłosz, Wisława Szymborska, Juliusz Słowacki, Zbigniew Herbert, Tadeusz Różewicz, Stanisław Lem, Stanisław Grochowiak, Adam Zagajewski, Edward Stachura, Rafał Wojaczek, Ryszard Kapuściński, Olga Tokarczuk, and Leszek Kołakowski. It’s long been known how much Iraqis love literature. An old Arabic saying goes that in Cairo, one writes; in Beirut, one prints; and in Baghdad, one reads. But it was on the banks of the Tigris that the works of giants of Arabic literature like Mutanabbi and Abu Nuwas were created. Mutanabbi lived in a time when on the Vistula no literary works had been created yet, and Poland was just being established under its first Christian ruler, Mieszko I. Nine hundred years later, Poland’s most distinguished poet, Adam Mickiewicz, enchanted by the beauty of the Iraqi poet’s work—which he could access mainly through French translations—wrote the poem “Almutanabbi” based on one of his qasidas. Mickiewicz’s poem is not so much a literal translation as it is a brilliant paraphrase and an identification with the Arab master’s attitude—proud and exuding Bedouin courage, and thus so perfectly suited to the spirit of 19th-century European Romanticism. Everyone in Poland also knows the tales of “One Thousand and One Nights,” though unfortunately not everyone realizes their great connection to Iraq. Prominent Polish Arabists, such as Professor Józef Bielawski, author of the book “Classical Arabic Literature,” and Professor Janusz Danecki, have undertaken the translation and popularization of both classical and contemporary Iraqi literature. In 1977, a special issue of the magazine “Literatura na świecie” (Literature in the World) was dedicated to Arabic literature, and specifically to Iraqi literature. The Iraq of War in Polish Literature and Film The difficult experiences of Iraq over the last few decades have led to the country being associated in Poland with war. This has also resulted in motifs related to Iraq in Polish literature and cinema being primarily linked to war, with most works from the last dozen years or so being non-fiction. The most prominent Polish translation of contemporary Iraqi literature in recent years is Ahmed Saadawi’s book “Frankenstein in Baghdad,” published in Poland in 2018. The story is placed in Baghdad during the turbulent times of the occupation after the overthrow of Saddam Hussein. A Polish author who cannot be overlooked when describing Iraqi themes in contemporary Polish literature is Marcin Faliński, a former diplomat and retired colonel of Polish intelligence. Faliński spent many years in Iraq, including during the war with Daesh. But the inspiration for his first book came from events during another war: World War II. After all, during that time, the Polish army, evacuated from the USSR, passed through Iraq on its way to Europe to fight Nazi Germany. The spy trilogy, co-written by him and Marek Kozubal in 2019, is set in several time dimensions, primarily during World War II and the beginning of the second decade of the 21st century. In the first dimension, the main character is a Polish soldier and intelligence agent, Mieczysław Kleiner, who is on a mission to save Polish works of art threatened by German and Soviet looting. In the second dimension, the central character is Mayor Marcin Łodyna, a top Polish intelligence agent stationed in Iraq, who in the first part of the trilogy, the book “Operation Raphael,” tries to determine the fate of Raphael Santi’s painting “Portrait of a Young Man,” which disappeared during World War II. Łodyna, on his path, must contend with Russian agents operating in Iraq. Faliński’s literary success led to more spy books by him, and a film adaptation of “Operation Raphael” is planned. It’s worth noting that the author masterfully portrays Iraqi realities, both from 80 years ago and today. His books are full of descriptions of Iraqi customs, cuisine, architecture, and nature. They allow the Polish reader to better understand this country. It’s also worth mentioning two Polish war films set in Iraq. The film “Operation Samum” was shot in 1999 by Polish director Władysław Pasikowski and tells the story of one of Poland’s secret missions in Iraq, which took place in 1990. The film “Karbala,” directed by Krzysztof Łukaszewicz, is set during the Iraqi civil war after the overthrow of Saddam Hussein. The latter film was made in 2015 based on the war reportage of Marcin Górka and Adam Zadworny and the autobiographical book by Grzegorz Kaliciak. War Correspondents and Cultural Exchange Poland is known for its literary tradition of war reportage. Ryszard Kapuściński gained worldwide fame in the 20th century. It’s therefore not surprising that several books of this type were written about the fall of Saddam Hussein, the occupation, the civil war, and finally the war with Daesh. The distinguished Polish reporter Paweł Smoleński dedicated two of his books to Iraq. The first, “Iraq, a Hell in Paradise,” was published in 2004, just after Saddam’s overthrow, and showed both the realities of the beginning of the occupation and the dictator’s bloody reign. The second, written in 2016, “Green Almonds, or What the World Needs Kurds For,” transported the Polish reader to Iraqi Kurdistan. It is also worth mentioning the book by the well-known Polish journalist Piotr Kraśko, “Iraq at War,” which was published in 2012, and the book “The New, Wonderful Iraq” by war reporter Mariusz Zawadzki from
Poland-Iraq Security Cooperation Also Includes Humanitarian Aid
Poland understands the importance of Iraq’s stability for international security and believes this issue must be viewed broadly. When Daesh seized vast areas of Iraq in 2014, their liberation and the destruction of this terrorist organization were in the interest of not only Iraq but the entire civilized world, including Poland. The fight against Daesh required not just military but also humanitarian assistance. Terrorists thrive on negative emotions like a sense of injustice, a desire for revenge, and hatred, and they exploit difficult situations to manipulate the minds of desperate people, especially children and youth. For this reason, Polish humanitarian organizations such as the Polish Center for International Aid (PCPM), Polish Humanitarian Action (PAH), Polish Medical Mission (PMM), Eagle’s Watch, Caritas, and Aid to the Church in Need have carried out numerous aid projects in Iraq. Polish aid was provided directly, through the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ funding of the aforementioned organizations’ projects and through fundraisers, as well as indirectly through contributions to UN funds for projects in Iraq. Polish Humanitarian Action is one of the most well-known and experienced aid organizations in Poland. In Iraq, starting from 2016, it was helping families affected by Daesh, including refugees from areas seized by terrorists. PAH’s activities were primarily focused on the Kurdistan Region and Mosul. In the Kurdistan Region, this mainly involved providing emergency and financial aid to the poorest families, vocational training, and legal assistance, including help with obtaining identity documents for children who lacked them due to the war. In camps for internally displaced persons, PAH provided access to clean water and managed garbage collection and the construction of sewage disposal systems. The organization placed great importance on promoting hygiene but also considered local social conditions. Therefore, latrines and showers were divided by gender, and lighting was provided for safe access to them. PAH hired people living in the camps for these activities to give them work and an opportunity to earn an income. In Mosul, PAH was one of the first organizations to enter the eastern districts of the city during its liberation by Iraqi forces to help residents survive that difficult period. PAH teams carried out intensive efforts to improve hygiene standards and educate the local community on infection prevention. Additionally, in cooperation with the Directorate of Education, PAH modernized water and sanitation infrastructure in 11 schools and participated in the reconstruction of the water and sewage network. The Polish Center for International Aid has also earned a reputation as one of the best humanitarian organizations in the world. In 2018, PCPM provided 500 fully equipped modular homes for families returning to war-torn Mosul. These homes, providing temporary shelter while proper housing was rebuilt, became a symbol of Polish aid. Furthermore, PCPM also implemented projects aimed at rebuilding the region’s economic potential, for example, by building a local market in the town of Tilkeif, which allows farmers to sell their products. The organization also conducted training and provided institutional support in the form of assistance to local governments in spatial planning and crisis management. The Polish Medical Mission, active in Iraq since 2016, focused on providing healthcare to refugees and internally displaced persons. For this purpose, PMM operated stationary clinics in refugee camps (including Baharka and Harsham) and mobile clinics, reaching remote villages to offer basic healthcare, as well as pediatric and gynecological consultations. The organization also launched dental clinics in the camps, providing access to services that were often financially out of reach for refugees. It also offered psychological assistance to people suffering from war trauma and the stress of displacement. An organization that has been heavily involved in helping Iraqis is Eagle’s Watch. Its founder, Bartosz Rutkowski, came up with the idea of providing humanitarian aid when he was at home watching a TV report about the Yazidi tragedy. A few months later, he went to Iraq with the first aid shipment. This organization, in particular, supports a center for Yazidi children and widows in Khanke, helping to meet their basic needs, such as purchasing fuel for the bus and a generator, or school supplies. Eagle’s Watch also helped residents of towns and villages in Nineveh liberated from Daesh occupation by assisting with rebuilding homes, creating jobs (e.g., supporting small, family-owned businesses: barber shops, mechanical workshops, etc., by purchasing equipment for them), supporting agriculture (e.g., helping with the purchase of livestock), and building and equipping schools and community centers, as well as funding vocational courses for adults, especially women. Catholic organizations such as Caritas and Aid to the Church in Need also provided assistance. It is worth noting that this aid was not directed exclusively at Christians, and these organizations never refused help to anyone based on their religion. Caritas was one of the first organizations to respond to the tragic events of 2014 in Iraq and, in cooperation with the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of National Defence, delivered the first material aid to refugees. This organization also funded the operation of a mobile clinic and supported educational projects for children affected by the conflict. Aid to the Church in Need, on the other hand, primarily supported the reconstruction of homes on the Nineveh Plain, including in cities such as Qaraqosh, Karamles, and Bartella. Thanks to its support, about 14,000 destroyed homes were rebuilt. Aid to the Church in Need also helped with the reconstruction of churches and provided emergency assistance, mainly for the several hundred thousand Christians who fled to the Kurdistan Region during the war with Daesh. The organization supplied them with food, paid for apartment rentals, and funded temporary schools in containers to ensure children’s education continuity. It is worth adding that providing such assistance during a critical period for Iraq also served to curb migration from Iraq to Europe, which was and remains a negative phenomenon for both Iraq and European countries. From Iraq’s perspective, it often meant losing intellectual potential, which was particularly needed during these difficult times for the country. Moreover, many Iraqis
Food, Roads, and Bridges: Poland in Iraq Today, in the Past, and in the Future
Poland is one of Iraq’s largest economic partners in the European Union, and trade between the two countries is constantly growing. Although it is still far from the glory days of Polish-Iraqi economic cooperation in the 1970s and 1980s, it is undoubtedly gaining momentum, showing a clear upward trend and opening new perspectives for Polish entrepreneurs in this promising yet demanding market. After years of instability, Iraq is becoming an increasingly important trading partner for Poland in the Middle East, a fact confirmed by rising trade indicators and the intensification of political and business contacts. In particular, over the last 10 years, the value of Polish exports to Iraq has doubled, which bodes very well for the future. Poland primarily exports agri-food products to Iraq. Polish food, including dairy products, grain derivatives, and meat, is highly valued by Iraqi consumers. Other groups of goods exported to the Iraqi market include chemical products, machinery and equipment (especially those used in agriculture and industry), as well as base metals and their products. In the future, Poland could also develop cooperation with Iraq in the medical and pharmaceutical sectors, especially since it is already a popular destination for medical tourism from Iraq. Poland can also offer Iraq support in agricultural modernization, water management, and technology transfer in this area. Iraq’s interest in such cooperation is evidenced by, among other things, the visit of an Iraqi delegation from the parliamentary committees for agriculture, water, economy, and trade, which took place in December 2024. The delegation met with representatives of the Polish Chamber of Commerce and visited the SPAW-MET Agricultural Machinery company, where a letter of intent for cooperation was signed. Cooperation is also developing at the level of local chambers of commerce and provincial governments, especially those of Greater Poland, Lesser Poland, Subcarpathia, as well as the Western Chamber of Commerce, the Starachowice Economic Zone, and the Association of Rural Innovators. Polish-Iraqi economic cooperation can also extend to other areas, particularly energy. Poland has purchased Iraqi oil in the past and can also support with its own experience the development of Iraq’s IT and new technologies market, energy transformation, and the development of the extractive sector. The supply of military equipment is also a promising sector. Furthermore, Poland has extensive experience in modernizing roads and railways and is a manufacturer of rolling stock, which positions it as an excellent partner for Iraq in the implementation of the Development Road infrastructure project, also known as the Dry Canal, which is intended to connect the Persian Gulf with Europe. It is worth noting that Poland has a long tradition of implementing infrastructure projects in Iraq, and the participation of the Dromex company in the construction of Highway No. 1 in Iraq gained immense recognition and is remembered to this day. A History of Polish Infrastructure in Iraq Economic cooperation between Poland and Iraq officially began in 1959 with the signing of an agreement on economic, scientific, and technical cooperation. This period was characterized by the very active involvement of Polish companies in Iraqi construction and industrial projects. For Poland, Iraq was one of the most important trading partners in the Middle East. In the 1970s and 1980s, Polish companies such as Polimex-Cekop, Budimex, Dromex, Elektromontaż, and Naftobudowa carried out about 25 large investment projects in Iraq. These projects included the construction of: The value of mutual trade reached USD 200–250 million annually. The key element of Polish exports, besides construction services, was the supply of military equipment, which constituted over 70% of exports. In turn, Poland’s primary import was crude oil. It is estimated that about 50,000 Poles worked in Iraq during these two decades. This work was not without casualties. About 50 Polish workers died in accidents, mainly during the construction of the highway. The tragic death of Teresa Rożnowska, who worked at a Dromex medical center and was the wife of one of the branch directors of the company in Iraq, Lech Rożnowski, holds a special place in the memory of Iraqis. As Krzysztof Płomiński, the long-time Polish ambassador to Iraq, established, she died in an accident on her way from the camp in Tel Laham toward Nasiriyah, and her symbolic grave at the site of her death was funded by her husband. This grave has survived to this day and has become associated with a romantic legend in the memory of locals about a young Polish woman, known in Iraq as Tala, who came to visit her fiancé, an engineer, for Christmas in 1982. As Płomiński writes, “the fiancé would then come to her grave with flowers every day for several years, until the end of his work in Iraq. The place became iconic and retains that dimension for the local population to this day. It has become a legend, blurred by time, constant wars, and flawed human memory. It was recently recalled in posts on local social media, which, when shared, gained the interest of Polish media and European journalists.” The first construction project carried out by Poland in Iraq was the bridge over the Tigris near Tikrit, built by the Budimex-Cekop company between 1969 and 1971. It is a post-tensioned concrete bridge, 800 meters long, and of strategic importance to Iraq. The work was led by the then 30-year-old engineer Zygmunt Pater, who had obtained his master’s degree in civil engineering specializing in bridges and underground structures from the Warsaw University of Technology just 5 years earlier. Pater, who gained a reputation as one of the most outstanding Polish bridge builders, returned to Iraq in 1980 to work there as the chief engineer for bridge structures at the Dromex Communication Construction Export Company. Iraq at that time was one of the fastest-developing Arab countries, and oil revenues allowed for its modernization. Poland, on the other hand, had a cheap but extremely skilled workforce. After the construction of the bridge in Tikrit, new construction orders followed, including sugar factories, cement plants, steel mills, housing estates, canals, and dams. However, Poland’s greatest
Failure of the Russian influence operation? The Shia admit that Russia was “playing with Israel” behind their backs
* * * * * * Since the collapse of the Assad regime in Syria, there has been a sharp decline in the public activity of the Russian ambassador to Iraq, Elbrus Kutrashev. An analysis of pro-Iranian Shia media in Iraq, which had previously actively promoted Russia, indicates disappointment with Russia, which may explain its decision to temporarily lie low. The Shia television channel Al-Ahad, affiliated with the Asaib Ahl al-Haq group and its leader Qais al-Khazali, published a report on 8 January accusing Russia of “playing in favour of Israel” in Syria and “abandoning the Iranian strategy” regarding the fight against jihadists from HTS, who took control in Syria. This report refers to a conversation broadcast by the Iranian news agency Tabnak between Iranian commanders and General Staff officials, revealing that Assad’s army was corrupt and not only avoided combat but also, under pressure from Russia and others, sabotaged Iranian forces’ attempts to undertake military action in Syria. The report cited by Al-Ahad also states that the Syrian army did not provide any weaponry to Iranian forces stationed in Aleppo, which led to the rapid capture of the city by HTS and the killing of the Iranian forces’ commander, General Kiomars Purhashemi. The Al-Ahad report also indicates that Russia supported Israel’s actions following Iran’s strike on the country in April 2024. Citing Tabnak, Al-Ahad states that “Russia turned off Russian radars during Israel’s attack on Iranian commanders in Syria, which is clear evidence of Russia’s cooperation with Israel.” The report further quotes a commander of Iran’s Sepah, who claims that “Russia abandoned Iran’s land strategy aimed at defeating terrorist groups, promising to carry out airstrikes. However, it turned out that the airstrikes targeted residential homes and desert areas rather than the military targets of the Tahrir al-Sham organisation.” Reports that Assad regime officials, acting on Russian orders, provided Israel with data on the deployment of Iranian forces in Syria to facilitate their bombing emerged as early as mid-December. These reports were based on leaked documents detailing contacts between the Syrian Ministry of Defence and an Israeli intelligence officer overseeing the operation, known by the codename “Mousa.” This revelation was not particularly surprising, as it had long been known that Russia forbade Assad from activating Syria’s air defence systems during Israeli airstrikes on Iranian positions in Syria. The only real surprise was that, despite this, Iran supplied Russia with drones, which it later used in Ukraine, while media outlets like Al-Ahad continued to promote Kutrashev’s absurd narratives about Europe, the world wars, and the war in Ukraine. The Al-Ahad report may signal the beginning of a shift in the narrative of pro-Iranian Shia media regarding the situation in Syria. Until now, they had promoted a conspiracy theory attributing Assad’s downfall to a coalition of Israel, jihadists, Turkey, and the West. To some extent, this narrative aligned with Russia’s efforts to frame Assad’s overthrow within the context of its so-called “lone struggle” against “Western aggression” on multiple fronts, including Ukraine and the Middle East. The recent report exposes the falsehood of this narrative. The open question remains what strategy Russia will now adopt to rebuild its influence among Iraqi Shia groups and whether, by playing on anti-Western sentiments, it will once again succeed in deceiving these circles. * * * Compiled by: Witold Repetowicz | shafafiyat.com * * *
Russian modus operandi (operation techniques) of manipulating in the international information space the image of its aggression against Ukraine.
Decomposition of the objective of the operation The main area of activity of the Russian propaganda apparatus in the international information space invariably remains the continuation of information and psychological operations aimed at distorting the perception of the Russian attack on Ukraine. The Russian propaganda apparatus maintains its activity which is based on an attempt to replace the facts about the Russian attack on Ukraine with a false impression of conducting a proxy war in Ukraine, a defensive one against the “provocative policy” of the West and NATO. Since the beginning of the invasion, social media sites associated with Russian disinformation operations have promoted information materials showing Ukraine as a dependent country (servilistic towards the West), dominated (non-sovereign), taking action “on behalf of” the EU or NATO (tasked against Russia – in the Kremlin’s propaganda optics). This is a permanent ploy of Russia. Russia, whether tsarist, Bolshevik, Soviet or contemporary, has always sought a concert of powers, that is, to divide the world into spheres of influence between several of the strongest players, as if the rest of the world did not exist. Poland has experienced this, always being between two powers: Russia and Germany. For centuries, both countries have tried to impose on the world narratives that there is nothing worthy of attention between them, at most some satellite, small countries that need to be shared – nothing else. Similarly, without regard to the will of the inhabitants, they divided the Middle East (including the territories of Iraq), the Ottoman, Persian and later British empires. Stubbornness, will to fight, history, tradition, rejection of foreign domination and attachment to one’s own statehood allowed to oppose such an approach. Both if we talk about Poland and Iraq. Ukraine is currently facing the same challenge and imperial cruelty that Poland and Iraq have had to deal with not so long ago. Therefore, nations experiencing the struggle for freedom should understand each other. Every nation has the right to self-identification and self-determination. The inhabitants of Iraq, both Arabs and Kurds, as well as other ethnic groups, know this perfectly. Many times they have had to shed their blood to defend themselves against tyranny, colonialism of powers and terrorism. Stronger ones often seek to subjugate the weaker neighbours, take advantage of their internal problems, and the great powers instrumentally treat other nations, using them in their game. The Russian Federation is very well aware of the history of the countries of the Middle East, the efforts and sacrifices that these nations have had to make on the way to their own statehood and in its defence. Therefore, its main propaganda effort in the region is the message aimed at obliterating the Ukrainian fight against Russian imperialism. The Russian propaganda apparatus is trying at all costs to present Ukraine as a failed country, practically non-existent, without history, without its own statehood, without national cohesion, irrelevant. Because when they achieve this, they will be able to go back to their favourite “concert of powers” and tell the world that they have simply taken care of their rebellious province, where a handful of adventurers made a noise, but the matter is over. These are just their temporary “internal affairs”. This follows the same pattern as the bloody pacification of the 1920 revolution on the territories of Iraq effected by the British. And Putin himself compared his attack on Ukraine to the US intervention in Iraq in 2003, which he, at the same time, condemned. Turkish and Iranian airstrikes on Iraq, carried out without its consent, are also currently being explained as “internal affairs”. Internal affairs end where the borders of other countries begin, and the countries with imperial impulses must understand this. However, different nations also have different historical experiences. The Middle East has experienced the colonial rivalry of European powers. However, no one today disputes the existence of British or French colonialism, but these times are over. However, the era of Russian imperialism and colonialism has not ended, and the irony is that Russia is trying to present itself as a liberating and anti-imperial force where its knout has not been experienced. Neither tsarist nor Soviet, nor the present, Putinist Russia has never been and is not a liberator, and the nations of Central Europe, such as Poland and Ukraine, know this very well. Returning to Russian optics. The authorities in the Kremlin were firmly convinced that this would be the case. That they would drive in as if to their own place, a moment of turmoil and would present to the world the end of “their internal affairs”. Hence, they propagandistically called the war a “special operation”, after all, only operations, not wars, are carried out inside “one’s” country. However, Russia was the biggest victim of its own propaganda. The authorities in the Kremlin believed that despite one of the world’s largest rates of corruption, the mafia-oligarchic and feudal way of managing the state, they really are the power they have created themselves to be. And Ukraine is the country as they forged it to be, that is, practically non-existent. A side effect of decades of self-creation and propaganda is the failure of their power and the brutal exposure of all weaknesses, because the country and the Ukrainian nation did not disintegrate in the face of aggression, as the Kremlin’s propaganda suggested and expected. Ukraine has put up and still does fierce resistance. Resistance that probably none of the big “players” had expected, starting with America through China and ending with Russia itself. The great ones probably still lived under the Cold War assumptions that only they could challenge each other. A truly united half of the world, with the largest economic powers at the forefront, was needed to end the Cold War and bring (break-up) the USSR to its knees. Meanwhile, slightly more than 3 decades later, the geographically largest country in the world, predestining to the top of the top, with global ambitions, threatening all around to “overturn the table” (international order)
Imperial and colonial Russia and its aggression against Ukraine
Every nation has the right to self-identification and self-determination. The residents of Iraq, both Arabs and Kurds, as well as other ethnic groups, know this perfectly. Many times they have had to shed their blood to defend themselves against tyranny, colonialism of powers and terrorism. Stronger ones often seek to subjugate the weaker neighbours, take advantage of their internal problems, and the great powers instrumentally treat other nations, using them in their game. Therefore, nations experiencing the struggle for freedom should understand each other. However, different nations also have different historical experiences. The Middle East has experienced the colonial rivalry of European powers. However, no one today disputes the existence of British or French colonialism, but these times are over. However, the era of Russian imperialism and colonialism has not ended, and the irony is that Russia is trying to present itself as a liberating and anti-imperial force wherever its knout has not been experienced. Neither tsarist nor Soviet, nor the current, Putinist Russia has never been and is not a liberator, and the nations of Central Europe, such as Poland and Ukraine, know this very well. The fact that the Russian conquests have not been overseas does not change the fact that this empire have occupied areas that had nothing to do with the Russians, their identity and their history. This was the case in vast areas of Siberia, the Far East, Central Asia, the Caucasus, as well as in Central Europe. Russia has subjugated other nations, plundered their territory, populated them with Russians, and also Russified the local population. Currently, Russian mercenaries, the so-called Wagnerites, are operating in a similar way. Russia is sending them, among others, to the Middle East, e.g. to Syria, or to Africa, to fulfill the Russian empire’s dream of overseas colonies. In 1831, the great Russian poet Alexander Pushkin wrote a poem entitled “Slanderers of Russia” in which he claimed that the struggle of Poles for freedom was a “family dispute”. It was at a time when Russian troops were drowning the Polish national uprising in blood, and no one in Poland treated it as a “family dispute”. “Leave us, after all, you do not know these blood-drenched sides […] for you it is an alien, incomprehensible our eternal family dispute,” wrote Pushkin. But the Poles saw it completely differently. Russia conquered Poland, taking advantage of its internal problems, enslaved it, and then claimed that the fight of Poles for freedom is an internal matter of Russians and Poles, which others are unable to understand, so they should not interfere. Russian propaganda: preying on resentment and falsifying history Today, Russian propaganda presents its assault on Ukraine in a similar, falsified way. Cynically using the negative historical experiences of the Middle East, it tries to forage on resentments directed against the former European colonial powers and the USA. Russia preaches that it is defending itself against the invasion from the USA and NATO, and that Ukrainians are “brothers” whom the West allegedly uses instrumentally. In this falsified image, Russia once again appears as an anti-imperial force. Only that Ukrainians dying under Russian bombs, like Poles 200 years ago hanged by merciless Russian “brothers”, see it completely differently. Poles know this not only on account of their own experiences, but also because millions of Ukrainians have found shelter in Poland, fleeing from criminal “brothers”. Reducing the fight of Ukrainians for their freedom and independence to the global game of the USA is a big lie formulated to sound credible to those who have other historical experiences. Poles are not and never have been Russians, although in the 19th century The Russians tried to persued the world otherwise. The same is true for Ukrainians. It is a separate nation, with its own language, its own identity and its own history. The fact that the Ukrainian language is similar to Russian does not make Ukrainians Russians. Iran might as well base its territorial claims to the Kurdistan Region in Iraq on the similarity of the Persian and Kurdish languages. For centuries, the history of Poles and Ukrainians has been united, and relations between the two nations have been sometimes better and sometimes worse. As recently as 100 years ago, some areas, today belonging to Ukraine, were part of Poland and Poles lived there. However, unlike Russia, Poland respects the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine. This is what fraternity is all about, not rape, because one is stronger and at the same time lying to the world about one’s motives. Russia presents a false picture of history to justify its aggression. Meanwhile, it is true that Ukraine found itself within its borders as a result of imperial conquest in the 17th and 18th centuries, just like Poland a little later. Intensive Russification and the policy of denationalization in the nineteenth century had an effect, although limited. As a result, some Ukrainians became Russian-speaking. However, they did not cease to be Ukrainians and did not become Russians. Today, Russian-speaking Ukrainians suffer as much from Russian aggression as those who speak Ukrainian. In Poland, it is just as easy to meet Ukrainian refugees who speak Russian today as those who speak Ukrainian. In 1991, a colonial colossus called the Soviet Union disintegrated, just as the colonial empires of Great Britain or France had disintegrated a little earlier. Ukraine declared independence, which was supported by 90% of its citizens in a referendum. In Crimea, occupied by Russia in 2014, 54% of the population voted for the independence of Ukraine, and in the oblasts that Russia currently wants to conquer, i.e. Donetsk, Luhansk and Kherson, 77%, 84% and 90%, respectively. At that time, Russia did not question the legality of these referendums and recognized both the independence of the new country and its territorial integrity. 23 years later, it suddenly changed its mind because it did not like the new Ukrainian authorities and their political decisions. Every nation and every country has the right to decide what foreign policy it
The cause of the Russian war of aggression in Ukraine
The cause of the war in Ukraine are plans to rebuild the empire by an aggressive power that Russia is. Russian leader Vladimir Putin himself, already in 2005, called the collapse of the USSR “the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th century” and repeatedly afterwards expressed his regret over the closure of this colonial-imperial entity. In the course of signing the acts of annexation of the Ukrainian oblasts of Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson and Zaporizhzhia, he once again stated that the collapse of the USSR was a “national catastrophe” that allegedly “shredded and torn our national unity alive”. The British might have as well written this about the disintegration of their Empire. Putin is trying to impose his imperial-colonial version of Russia’s history, which is supposedly “Holy Russia”, having a divine anointing to conquer neighbouring nations. In this context, he argued that Ukraine “is not just a neighbouring country for us […] it is an inalienable part of our own history, culture and spiritual space”. There is as much truth in this as in the claim that the countries created after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire are not only neighbouring countries of Turkey, but are its inalienable part. Just as no Iraqi would agree with such an approach, Ukrainians reject Putin’s words. His thesis that Ukrainians supposedly are “small Russians” forming part of the great Russian nation is simply a slap in the face for Ukrainians. Neither Ukraine nor any other countries have given Russia any reason to fear for its security. Since the beginning of its invasion, Russia has lied on the subject, using various resentments operating, among others, in the Middle East, including particularly Iraq, in regards to the West, NATO and the USA. It is worth recalling that since the end of World War II in 1945, Russia has not been attacked, although it has done so many times. Dominated by Russia, the USSR has occupied, among others, Poland in the years of 1945-1993, invaded Hungary in 1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968, not to mention the invasion on Afghanistan and many other imperial-colonial aggressions. Poland, like many other Central European countries, despite the enormous harm suffered from the hands of Russia, tried to maintain friendly relations with it based on mutual respect and equal treatment. However, Russia does not want to be a normal country, but an empire. The territory of Russia, its sovereignty and territorial integrity have never been threatened. This also applies to national liberation movements in the Russian colonies, i.e. areas conquered mainly in the 19th century, which culturally, ethnically and historically have nothing to do with Russia, e.g. Chechnya, Buryatia, Kalmykia, etc. Although the colonial status of these areas is a historical injustice, in order to build friendly relations with Russia, it was decided to consider it an internal matter of Russia. However, this does not suffice for Russia. It believes that the sovereign states that were once part of its empire should be subordinate to it. This applies in particular to Ukraine, as well as Belarus, although also Poland and many other countries. From this perspective, it considers limiting its imperial sphere of influence through sovereign decisions of nations liberated from its yoke to be an “attack” on itself. No free nation can accept such an approach. Guarantees of independence for Ukraine and pro-Russian separatism The collapse of the USSR in 1991 was not the result of war or external pressure, but was agreed by the leaders of Soviet Russia, Belarus and Ukraine at a meeting in Białowieża in December 1991. In this way, Ukraine was reborn as an independent country. In the referendum held at that time, 90% of voters were in favour of independence, with a turnout of 84%. In the currently occupied by Russia regions of Ukraine, 84 percent in Luhansk Oblast, 77 percent in Donetsk Oblast, 90 percent in Kherson Oblast, and 54 percent in Crimea voted for independence. Russia unreservedly recognized not only Ukraine’s independence, but also its borders. Moreover, in December 1994, it signed the Budapest Memorandum, in which it declared itself as the guarantor of Ukraine’s territorial integrity, in exchange for Ukraine’s resignation from its nuclear arsenal. Pro-Russian separatism suddenly appeared in 2014, when Russia decided to punish Ukraine for striving for greater independence. It was not about a plan to admit Ukraine to NATO, as many NATO members opposed it, and therefore it was completely unrealistic. However, even if Ukraine was to join NATO, it would be a matter of its sovereign decision and the acceptance of other NATO members, and not some aggressive empire usurping the right to decide about others. The people of Iraq should understand this. In 2014, Ukrainians took to the streets to protest against the pro-Russian authorities, as they increasingly travelled to neighbouring Poland and saw the gap between how Poles lived and how they lived. Especially young Ukrainians wanted to develop and have the same perspectives as other Europeans and that is why they wanted Ukraine to start integrating with the European Union. Taking away this opportunity from them by the pro-Russian authorities was the final straw that broke the camel’s back, so they decided to protest and overthrew the then president. Ukrainians wanted to integrate with the economic structures (no one had thought about any Western weapons or NATO before the Russian aggression). Can they be blamed for this? Don’t young Iraqis want to have better lives too? However, the aforementioned separatism was not associated with any national minority striving for independence, because there is not and has never been a Donetsk, Luhansk or Crimean nation (the only Crimean nation is the Tatars, who are in favour of Ukraine). From the very beginning, the goal of “separatism” has been to seize the lands of Ukraine and their annexation to Russia and imposing a pro-Russian regime on Ukraine. “Separatism” was organized by Russian security agents, mercenaries and soldiers sent to Crimea, Donetsk and Luhansk. They were called “the green men” because they operated in unmarked uniforms, which
Belarusian-Russian modus operandi (operation techniques) of manipulating in the international information space the image of its aggression against Poland.
Operation Sluice Poland has been subjected to controlled migration pressure, accompanied on an equal scale by propaganda and disinformation activities of the Union State of Russia and Belarus (USRB). Alexander Lukashenko himself as well as Belarusian Foreign Minister Uladzimir Makei acknowledged this, stating that support for cross-border smuggling of illegal immigrants is a response to EU sanctions against Belarus, resulting from the falsification of the 2020 presidential election and the repression of oppositionists. The actions of the Belarusian authorities are an obvious blackmail aimed at exerting such pressure on Poland and the European Union so that the sanctions are eased. However, in the emotional dimension, it is also a kind of punishment for Belarus’ immediate neighbours, who supported the protests against Lukashenko. Lithuania and Poland strongly supported the protesters, as they recognized that the neighbouring nation with which they formed a common state in the past deserved the same rights as their citizens have been enjoying. Inequality and denial of basic rights, as well as repression of those who opposed it, is, after all, a problem close to the experience of Iraqi residents. Lukashenko and his services are recruiting these people on the basis of a project from years ago, which is called “Operation Sluice”. It consists in Belarus attracting migrants from various regions of the world and pushes them to the European Union across the green border. “Operation Sluice” was initiated approx. 10 years ago Initially, the operation was aimed at forcing the European Union to pay protection fee for strengthening the border. However, the scale of this action was smaller than today. Groups of over a dozen people were brought to the border with Poland and Lithuania and transferred to the neighboring country. Initially, the stream of migrants was directed to Lithuania. However, when the authorities in Vilnius announced that Lithuania would return anyone who tried to cross the border illegally, Belarus redirected the migrants to the border with Poland and Latvia. No war refugee is the cause of the appearance of migrants at the border. According to the information of the services, there, in fact, also is a group of Afghans among the migrants, but they previously lived in Russia, and they are not fleeing from the Taliban, so it is difficult to call them war refugees. There are also people from Iraq who also do not qualify as war refugees. Although Iraq still faces many problems in regards to security and reconstruction after the war with Daesh, now no war is fought there, and the terrorist threat is decreasing radically every year. Periodic Turkish and Iranian air strikes also affect a small and sparsely populated part of the country. The residents of Baghdad, Erbil, Basra, Tikrit, Mosul or Sulaymaniyah unlike the residents of Ukrainian cities, leave the house without worrying about whether they will return to it alive or whether the house will not be bombed in the meantime. Both the inhabitants of Iraq and the Polish services guarding the border with Belarus know this very well. The authorities in Minsk, whose goal is not helping the refugees, but to destabilize the situation at the border, are also aware of this. For Russia, it is the reconnaissance of the reaction of Polish services, the reaction of our allies and the reaction of public opinion to possible aggression. So this aggression below the threshold of war is a preparation for even greater aggression, and perhaps even war. Methodology of work of Russian-Belarusian planners of information and psychological operations In the methodology of the work of planners of information and psychological operations, which are inscribed in the canon of eastern operations, attributed to the Russian Federation and the Belarusian services, which directly draw models of operation from Russia, the socalled active reconnaissance, i.e. reconnaissance by taking some action, in this case creating migratory pressure, actually gives the opportunity to build a dozen different reconnaissance vectors. For example, it is a question of social polarization, defining types of the media and journalists who are to a lesser or greater extent susceptible to emotions and psychological pressure, also testing of the functional systems of the security structures of the Polish state in the border area is conducted. The efficiency and functionality of these systems, the quality of supervision in the field – both that is carried out using electronic devices, as well as conducted on the basis of personal patrols of the border guards and the Polish army, up to the issues of embedding Poland in international relations (an attempt of disrupting them) are examined. This also applies to Polish-Iraqi relations and mutual perception by both nations. Traditionally, these relations have been positive. In the 70s and 80s of the 20th century, Poles built highways in Iraq, including highways from Baghdad through Anbar up to Jordan and Syria. Since 2016, Polish soldiers have been training Iraqi special forces to fight against Daesh. In turn, many Iraqis have finished their studies in Poland. Russia, however, strives to make these relations bad. There have already been signs of hostility towards Polish soldiers on the part of Iraqis, inspired by Russian disinformation on subject of the treatment of Iraqi citizens by the Polish border services. Meanwhile, Poland is still open to tourists from Iraq, businessmen as well as students. But the appearance of aggressive groups posing as refugees among migrants on the border also changes the perception of Poles and may negatively affect the existing openness to Iraqis legally coming to Poland. Russia, through Belarus, is investigating how Poland, a member of NATO and the EU alliances, will be perceived in its external environment. Whether it will be able to manage this migration crisis in cooperation or without cooperation with partner countries. At the moment, it seems that there is lack of inconsistency in the position regarding the migration threat in both structures (NATO and the EU). The information now collected can be used to make a decision on further actions, such as triggering a large-scale incident at the border, which will
Lukashenko’s plan: destabilize Poland and divide Europe
Lukashenko’s plan: destabilize Poland and divide Europe Arriving in Belarus is not an easy way to migrate to Europe, but to get into the middle of the conflict between Russia and Belarus with Poland and other European countries. This conflict is part of aggressive imperial policy of Russia, the effects of which can be seen in neighbouring with Poland, Belarus, and Russia, Ukraine, where a war is underway as a result of the Russian invasion. More than 100,000 people have already died there, hundreds of thousands are injured, and several million civilians have fled, seeking refuge primarily in Poland. Any attempts to illegally cross the Polish border in such conditions are madness, and at the same time are part of hostile actions against Poland and its security, regardless of the intentions of migrants. Is it imaginable that during the war with Daesh, the army and security services of Iraq, including the Kurdistan Region, freely let migrants from other countries try to illegally cross the border and ignore all security laws and rules? Therefore, it is difficult to expect Poland to act differently and not be guided primarily by its security. At the same time, Poland distinguishes between migrants and refugees, and this does not depend on religion or skin colour, but on the reason for crossing the border. It was the same in Iraq during the war with Daesh. The refugees were those fleeing the terrorists from Mosul, Sinjar, Tel Afar and other places occupied by Daesh hordes. They were not residents of Bangladesh, the Philippines, Georgia or Pakistan, coming to work in Irbil, Baghdad or Najaf. Nor were they citizens of various European, Asian or African countries, arriving with bad intentions, i.e. to pose a terrorist threat, spy on or join Daesh. This is what the security services and the rules of crossing borders are for to check. In a situation of threat to national security, and Poland is currently in such a situation, as Iraq was during the war with Daesh, these rules are particularly restrictive, and those trying to violate them can expect a strong reaction. Poland welcomed refugees from Ukraine, regardless of whether they were Ukrainians or foreigners studying or working there, including Iraqis, Kurds, Arabs, Indians, Muslims, etc. However, all of them had to cross the border in designated places, i.e. border crossings, presenting documents and obeying the instructions of the Polish border guards. It was no different in the case of people fleeing Daesh. How would the Iraqi services, including the Kurdish ones, react if some groups or individuals tried to bypass checkpoints, flee from the officers carrying out the checkpoint, or attack them by throwing stones, rods or branches? Especially if they were on top of that commanded by Daesh terrorists? And it is the Belarusian services hostile to Poland that organize migrant militias to attack Poland and its officers and soldiers. They want to provoke bloodshed in this way. Migrants trying to illegally cross the Polish-Belarusian border pose a threat to Poland’s security, violate the laws of Poland and the European Union, and have to account for the same reaction of Polish services that would be encountered by people trying to penetrate from Daesh areas, avoiding control. For Poland, there is no difference between Daesh and the regime of Putin and his subordinate dictator of Belarus – Lukashenko. Putin is already being prosecuted by the International Criminal Court for his crimes, and this is just the tip of the iceberg. The Russians and officials of Lukashenko’s regime are responsible for numerous atrocities, rapes, murders. Therefore, anyone who fits into the plan of Lukashenko and Putin against Poland must take into account severe consequences. Refugees in Poland and smuggling activities Russian and Belarusian propaganda tries to present a false image of Poland and its attitude towards refugees. The fact that Poland has taken in several million Ukrainian refugees, and has built a dam on the border with Belarus and is pulling back people trying to cross the border, is supposed to testify to double standards and racism. This is, of course, complete nonsense. First of all, people coming from Ukraine fled from war-torn areas, as was the case with people fleeing from areas under Daesh control to the Kurdistan Region, or areas secured by the federal forces of Iraq. People who attempt to cross the Belarusian-Polish border arrived legally in Belarus, paying for it to companies associated with the regime hostile to Poland, and then they try to break Polish law, creating a threat to Poland’s security. Whether they are aware of it or not is irrelevant. It is worth noting that Poland has also welcomed tens of thousands of refugees from Belarus (citizens of that country), who were threatened with imprisonment there due to their opposition activities. Refugees are people who are fleeing war or persecution, and not those who want to live in another country because they think they will be better off there. From the point of view of the rules of crossing the border with Poland, it also does not matter whether people who have arrived in Belarus are in any danger there, whether they are chased there by officials of the Belarusian regime with dogs, whether they are beaten there and herded to the Polish border like animals, or whether they are treated there like subhumans. Yes, such is Lukashenko’s Belarus and anyone who wants to travel there should know that they are exposed to such consequences. Companies encouraging this migration are lying and the grievances should be directed at them, not at Poland. Poland does not bear any responsibility for how migrants are treated in Belarus, and they are treated in a bestial way, as people were treated by Daesh. However, Poland will not negotiate with Lukashenko’s terrorists, who treat migrants as hostages, trying to force it to change its policy by playing with human tragedy and emotional blackmail. If Poland gave way, it would only contribute to an even greater tragedy, as it would encourage